Translate

Saturday, November 9, 2024

EXAMINING THE AUTOCHTHONY OF ALBANIANS IN ALBANIA


The tendency among Balkan nations to establish claims of autochthony in their present territories—and to assert ancestral connections to ancient peoples who once inhabited these lands—is a well-known phenomenon. The greatest example today are the modern "Macedonians" who claim linear connection to the ancient Macedonians. West of the "Macedonians", there is the Albanian people, who reasonably attempt to trace their ancestors, but as expected, they stress a supposed direct origin from the indigenous people that inhabited today's Albania, the Illyrians. In the past years, the Albanian nationalist narrative used to "Albanize" other ancient Balkan peoples such as Epirotes, Macedonians, Pelasgians along with the Illyrians (read more here). Now that the aforementioned ancient ethnic groups have been studied more in depth and their ethnological profiles are almost certain, they have nearly been abandoned by Albanian pseudo-history. 

The ancient Illyrians remained the most popular putative Paleo-Balkanic ancestors of the Albanians, who also speak an undoubtedly Paleo-Balkanic language. The insufficient attestation of Illyrian language and the absence of Albanian texts in antiquity, have led experts to examine the linguistic relation between Albanian and Illyrian. What is certainly known, is that Albanians are not native to today's Albania (historically known as Illyria Græca or Epirus Vetus) neither to Old Epirus (which is often claimed to be inhabited by Illyrians/'ancient Albanians' in antiquity). From a linguistic perspective, this is evident because of the weak contact of the Albanian language with Greek during antiquity. Already at the time of Strabo, southern Illyrians, who were in direct contact with the Greek-speaking Macedonians and Epirotes, were bilingual:
«the regions about Lyncus, Pelagonia, Orestias, and Elimeia, used to be called Upper Macedonia, though later on they were by some also called Free Macedonia. But some go so far as to call the whole of the country Macedonia, as far as Corcyra, at the same time stating as their reason that in tonsure, language, short cloak, and other things of the kind, the usages of the inhabitants are similar, although, they add, some speak both languages» ¹. 
The heavy influence of Hellenic culture on the Illyrian people is also concluded through archaeological evidence: 
«A number of grave goods found on the sites in Albania and the neighboring countries strongly suggest contact with Byzantium, possibly even the presence of speakers of Greek: belt buckles common for the Mediterranean area, both East and West, earrings with perforated pendants showing peacocks on either side of a tree; disc- and cross- broches; finger-rings with dedicatory inscriptions in Greek. More over, two hoards of Byzantine drinking and washing silver vessels with Greek inscriptions, gold church candlesticks, and silver belt fitting were found in the vicinity of Dyrrachium, at Vrap and Erseke» ². 
If Albanians were indeed the Illyrian neighbours of the Greeks, someone would expect the Albanian language to be heavily influenced by ancient Greek, something that is not true. This is the one important problem concerning the "autochthony" of the Albanians, as Albanologist linguist Joachim Matzinger highlights.
Translation:
"If the area where the Albanian language developed were identical to the area where Albanian is spoken today—more or less modern Albania, or the so-called third Latinized area along the Via Egnatia—there should be a stronger influence of Ancient Greek on Proto-Albanian, which, however, does not exist" ³. 
Vladimir Orel, one of the leading authorities in Albanian linguistics, also notes the scarce presence of Ancient Greek influences in the Albanian vocabulary:

It is clear that the cradle of the Proto-Albanians should be searched north of the Greek influence zones, i.e. north of the so-called Jireček line which separates Greek and Latin influences in the Balkans. 
Not surprisingly, the linguistic ancestors of Albanians lived for sure north of this line, being heavily influenced by Latin. In fact, the Albanian language contains 636 Latin loanwords which make around 40% of the Albanian language, with some scholars raising the percentage to 60% ⁴.
Joachim Matzinger uses this too as a counter-argument against the autochthony of Albanians, adding that Proto-Albanian religious (Christian) terminology is entirely Latin .
Translation:
«Therefore, the territory of the Proto-Albanian people could not have been located near the compact Greek-speaking area in the south of the Balkan Peninsula. In this context, great importance must also be given to the fact that the Christianization of the Albanians took place under Roman-Western influence, as clearly evidenced by the basic Christian vocabulary of the Albanian language, for example:

kryq 'cross' ← Latin crux, -cis (cf. Greek σταυρός),

ancient Gheg (i) shëjntë 'saint' ← Latin sanctus (cf. Greek ἅγιος), etc. » ².

If anyone compares the minor influence of ancient Greek to the massive Latin influence in Albanian, can easily realise that Ancient Albanians did not inhabit the region of modern Albania, which by the way was known as "Greek Illyria" and "New Epirus" for an obvious reason. In fact, the inhabitantants of Old and New Epirus in the 6th century were known as "Epirotes" and "Hellenes" (Greeks) as Medieval Greek historian Procopius confirms:
«But north of the gulf the first inhabitants are Greeks, called Epirotes, as far as the city of Epidamnus [today's Durrës], which is situated on the sea» ⁵.

Tom Winnifrith adds: 

«There is no reason to disbelieve Justinian's historian Procopius when he says that in the sixth century Epirus as far as Dyrrhachium was Greek» ⁶. 

This is the second big problem of the autochthonist scenario, which points at the cradle of the Ancient Albanians outside of Southern Illyris.
Here is a well-written summary of what was discussed until now:
The linguistic proof of the non-indigenousness of Albanians in today's Albania does not stop here. While examining the surviving Paleo-Balkanic substratum of the Romanian language, linguists have observed links to Proto-Albanian. Matzinger points out the following: 
"An extremely important topic concerns the fact that Albanian and Romanian share two specific lexical layers. One layer consists primarily of terms related to small livestock and transhumance (e.g., Albanian thark and Romanian țarc, meaning ‘enclosed area with a hedge, pen’ for livestock), which Romanian linguistics has traditionally attributed to a Balkan substrate from which both Proto-Albanian and Balkan Latin (that is, Proto-Romanian) would have inherited this terminology. However, there is no need for an almost mythical Balkan substrate to explain these words; rather, an in-depth, unbiased linguistic analysis reveals that these are indeed Proto-Albanian words transferred into Proto-Romanian during an intensive period of coexistence between Proto-Albanians and Proto-Romanians as transhumant shepherds. The other lexical layer connecting Albanian with Romanian involves a group of Latin lexemes common to both Romanian and Albanian but absent from Western Romance languages (for example, Albanian mbret ‘king’ and Romanian împărat ‘emperor, king’ from Latin imperator). These terms were preserved as popular expressions only in Eastern Romance areas, whereas in Western Romance languages, the Italian imperatore, French empereur, and Spanish emperador represent a learned term." ³. 
The same opinion is shared with absolute certainty by another honored Albanologist and linguist, Eric Hamp, who writes:
"I am convinced that Romanian is a descendant of a Latinization of an autochthonous population which earlier spoke an Albanoid Indo-European language -- where as Albanian represents the continuation of kindred dialects which, though accepting many loans and cultural influences, escaped Latinization" ⁷.
In other words, the ancestors of the Albanians and the Romanians both spoke the same common language before the Latinization of the latter and even continued to coexist during late Roman antiquity:
The last, but most important, linguistic counterargument against Albanian autochthony is the fact the non-Albanian etymology of the ancient toponyms of today's Albania and their later (based on phonology) borrowing into Albanian. An example is the phonological history of the toponyms Shkodër, Durrës, Shkumbi and Osum. Here follows an analysis by Joachim Matzinger³:

«The perhaps strongest, if not decisive, argument against the hypothesis of the autochthony of the Albanians is the evidence provided by the toponymy of Albanian territory. It has long been recognized that ancient Albanian place names on Albanian territory reflect linguistic developments that, chronologically, do not belong to the oldest phase of the Albanian language’s history. Instead, they show developments from more recent phases in the history of the Albanian language, specifically from periods after Latin influence. To better illustrate this argument, we will briefly examine the phonological evolution of the ancient toponym Scodra (Italian Scutari), which appears in Albanian in the indefinite form Shkodër (with the definite article postfixed as Shkodra). Its phonological form clearly indicates a late adaptation into Albanian because it reveals the regular substitution of the Latin cluster sc /sk/ with Albanian sh and of ó with Albanian o < Proto-Albanian */ɔ/, a phoneme that developed only after the first contacts with Latin. The Albanian form Shkodër thus suggests that the Proto-Albanians became acquainted with it at a time when they had also acquired the majority of Latin words, and that this Albanian name for the city—perhaps the most important of the ancient Illyrians—does not belong to the inherited Albanian lexicon. The historical phonology of Shkodër thus excludes the hypothesis of the formation of the Albanian ethnos from Illyrian and the development of Illyrian into Albanian, as proposed by the theory of autochthony. According to this theory, the Albanian form of the ancient name Scodra should exhibit older phonological developments, specifically those of inherited words: sk > Albanian h and ó > Albanian . Like the name of this urban center, other ancient toponyms (e.g., Durrës, Italian Durazzo, from ancient Dyrrhachium) also show recent developments in Albanian. This also applies to the hydronyms of Albanian territory, aside from the simple fact that many river names are obviously Slavic borrowings. In this context, it is interesting to consider the Albanian names of two rivers that ran through the territory of the ancient Via Egnatia, namely, the Scampinus River, in Albanian (Gheg) Shkumbî, and Assamus, in Albanian Osum. Without delving into the details of historical phonology, it is evident, as SCHRAMM (1999: 33) reiterated, that both Albanian names are also Slavic borrowings and therefore belong to an even more recent layer of Albanian, meaning they are not part of the inherited layer. This is another strong argument against the presence of Proto-Albanians in the Via Egnatia territory already in antiquity»

Linguist Vladimir Orel, in the beginning of his "Albanian Etymological Dictionary", sums up:

Now that extensive linguistic evidence was presented, let us see a more historical perspective of the issue. As mentioned before, the territory of modern Albania was known as Epirus Nova (New Epirus) or Illyria Græca (Greek Illyria), due to the obvious fact that the region was Hellenized and settled by Greeks.
Until the 6th century, as confirmed by Procopius ⁵ , the region of Epirus Vetus and Epirus Nova (see map) was ethnically, or at least linguistically, Greek. The Greek and Hellenized population of the two provinces continued being dominant until the 11th and 12 centuries. By that time, Albanians constituted only a minority in the extreme north of Epirus Nova. After Constantinople fell to the hands of the Latins in 1204, the first migration of Albanians occured:
It took several years for the newly arrived Albanians to form a majority in what later became Albania and there were no noticeable Albanian communities in the cities of the Albanian coast throughout the Middle Ages. In fact, Durrës in Northern Albania was inhabited by Venetians, Greeks, Jews and Slavs; Shkodra by Venetians and Slavs and Vlora by Greeks ⁸. This is evident by primary records of travellers such as Simon Fitzsimons, whose account indicates that in 1332 Albanians did not yet constitute a majority element in Dyrrhachium (Durrës) in northern Albania, and they are listed last after various ethnicities and are characterized as barbaric:
Indeed, Alain Ducellier, French Historian specialized in Byzantine studies found out that in 1350 the population of Vlore was largely Greek with some Slavs, whereas at Dyrrachium, there was a mixed population of Greeks, Slavs, Latins and Albanians ⁹. Tim Winnifrith concludes that till this time Hellenism prevailed in Southern Albania continuously since the times of Molossian Royalty ⁹.

Two centuries later, an anonymous writer provides a description of Albania in 1570, stating that the Greek language is (still) spoken from Ulcinj down to Vallona (Vlora):

It should be added to the above that, in many later works, Albania was considered a geographical Province of "Greece" ¹⁰ and the term itself was a synonym for Epirus (Nova), due to its strong Byzantine past. An example is the "Latin-Illyrian dictionary" (Dizionario Latino-Ilirico) by Ardelio della Bella in 1728:
If anyone studies the history of the region of Albania from antiquity until today, he/she will realise that the territory of today's Albania had historically very little to do with the Albanian people. Robert Elsie, German Albanologist, whose work about Albanian history and culture is honoured and appreciated in modern Albania, had come to the same conclusion. According to him, Albania became ethnically Albanian only during Ottoman times, while the history of Albania for many centuries had little or nothing to do with the Albanians ¹¹:
Taking into consideration everything that was presented until now, we can safely realise that Albanians are in no way autochthonous in today's Albania. Linguistic evidence points to the cradle of ancient Albanian language outside and north of Southern Illyria. History in turn proves that Albania has always been at the crossroads of various empires and civilizations. The Illyrians that inhabited this territory in Antiquity, were eventually integrated in the Greek linguistic and cultural world, their land was renamed to Illyria Graeca and Epirus Nova and continued being under the control of the Eastern Roman Empire. It was only in the 13th century that Albanian speaking populations penetrated the Byzantine Greek territory of Epirus and started expanding and assimilating the natives. Mid-15th century marks the end of this process ⁸ and Albanians finally form the ethnic majority in their current lands of residence during Ottoman times ¹¹. As Robert Elsie wrote ¹¹, Albanians are just one stone in this great mosaic of the History of Albania.
____________________
References:
¹ Strabo, 7.7.8
² Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages 500-1250 (CAH,2006), p. 104
³ Joachim Matzinger, "L'elemento latino della lingua albanese — un impatto della Via Egnatia?"
⁴ Irena Sawicka, "A Crossroad Between West, East and Orient–The Case of Albanian Culture." Colloquia Humanistica, No. 2, Instytut Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 2013, p. 97
⁵ Procopius, Gothic Wars, Book I, 15.24
⁶ Tom Winnifrith, Badlands, Borderlands: A History of Northern Epirus/Southern Albania, p.169
⁷ Eric Hamp in: Bono Homini Donum: Essays in Historical Linguistics in Memory of J. Alexander Kerns, p.103
⁸ Robert Elsie, Historical Dictionary of Albania, p. liv
⁹ Tom Winnifrith, Badlands, Borderlands: A History of Northern Epirus/Southern Albania, p. 95
¹⁰ Greece=usually what Ottomans defined as "Roman Lands"
¹¹ Robert Elsie, The Early History of Albania 

Thursday, October 3, 2024

JUSTINIAN: "GREEKS FOUNDED THE ROMAN EMPIRE"

In this brief article, an often overlooked yet significant historical element will be examined, which plays a crucial role in understanding the relationship between Hellenism and the Roman state.

This element is a short but revealing passage from the legislative corpus of the renowned Emperor Justinian, known as the "Novels" (Novellae Constitutiones). In this particular Novel, Justinian express his intention to provide a better government for the province of Lycaonia in Asia Minor.

The excerpt reads as follows:

«When We consider what writers and historians have stated concerning the origin of the people of Lycaonia, and call to mind their extraordinary affinity with the Romans, which afforded such a good reason for their reunion, We thought that it was but just to give to this magistracy a rank superior to that which it had hitherto enjoyed. Tradition relates that, in ancient times, Lycao, who was King of Arcadia in Greece, lived on Roman soil, and that after having conquered the Oenotrians, he, so to speak, founded the Roman Empire (We have reference to times much more ancient than those of Aeneas and Romulus), and a colony having been established in these parts, he seized a large portion of Pisidia, and imposed his own name upon it, calling this region Lycaonia after himself; hence it is but just that this province should be subjected to the government of one of the magistrates that the ancient Romans invested with so much honor and distinction, and that the authority of both the magistrates who governed the said province at that time (We allude to the civil Governor, as well as to the one having military jurisdiction) should be combined in a single official designated by the appellation of Praetor» 

Original text (Greek and Latin):

There are many things to be discussed and highlighted here. The famous Roman Emperor firstly mentions "the people of Lycaonia", who have "extraordinary affinity with the Romans". This affinity is explained more in detail right after, where Justinian writes that king Lycao was the one to found the Roman Empire, after conquering the Oenotrians. Afterwards, Justinian connects Anatolian Lycaonia with the same king, writing that Lycao conquered a large part of Pisidia (in Asia Minor) and gave his name to the region (hence the name "Lycaonia"). 


Who is Lycao, the people of Lycaonia and the Oenotrians? According to Justinian, Lycao was king of "Arcadia in Greece" (located in Peloponnesus), in other words, an Arcadian Greek king. This way, Justinian implies the strong presence of Greeks and Greek culture both in Italy and the Micrasiatic region of Lycaonia:
The relations between Arcadian Greeks and the Italian peninsula are also testified by two Roman-era Greek writers: Dionysius of Halicarnassus (60 BC -7 AD) and Pausanias (110 - 180 AD). Both of them also describe the Oenotrians mentioned by Justinian as Greeks from Arcadia. Dionysius writes: «But if what they say is true, the Aborigines can be a colony of no other people but of those who are now called Arcadians; 2 for these were the first of all the Greeks to cross the Ionian Gulf, under the leader­ship of Oenotrus, the son of Lycaon, and to settle in Italy. This Oenotrus was the fifth from Aezeius and Phoroneus, who were the first kings in the Peloponnesus. For Niobê was the daughter of Phoroneus, and Pelasgus was the son of Niobê and Zeus, it is said; Lycaon was the son of Aezeius and Deïanira was the daughter of Lycaon; Deïanira and Pelasgus were the parents of another Lycaon, whose son Oenotrus was born seventeen generations before the Trojan expedition. This, then, was the time when the Greeks sent the colony into Italy. 3 Oenotrus left Greece because he was dissatisfied with his portion of his father's land; for, as Lycaon had twenty-two sons, it was necessary to divide Arcadia into as many shares. For this reason Oenotrus left the Peloponnesus,  p37 prepared a fleet, and crossed the Ionian Gulf with Peucetius, one of his brothers. They were accompanied by many of their own people — for this nation is said to have been very populous in early times — and by as many other Greeks as had less land than was sufficient for them».
The account of Pausanias is similar: «But Oenotrus, the youngest of the sons of Lycaon, asked his brother Nyctimus for money and men and crossed by sea to Italy; the land of Oenotria received its name from Oenotrus who was its king. This was the first expedition despatched from Greece to found a colony, and if a man makes the most careful calculation possible he will discover that no foreigners either emigrated to another land before Oenotrus» (Description of Greece, 8.3.5). Therefore, in Roman Era traditional narratives, these Oenotrians mentioned in the Novel are also considered as Arcadian Greeks and are directly related with king Lycao and the foundation of Rome.

It is evident that Justinian's narrative is influenced by the aforementioned accounts, which support the affinity between Greeks and Romans and seem to have been very popular during Roman era. What is more interesting is that these events are "much more ancient than the times of Aeneas and Romulus" according to Justinian. Thus, Justinian rejects the standard traditional version for the foundation of Rome by Romulus and accepts that Rome was founded by Greeks. Justinian is not the first Roman Emperor to express that view, when Emperor Julian many years before Justinian had clearly stated "Romans belong to the race of the greeks" , "our city is Greek" (see here).

Friday, September 6, 2024

THE FORGOTTEN HELLENISM OF NORTH MACEDONIA

The northern part of historical Macedonia is another enslaved homeland forgotten by the Greeks, where even until 1993 a significant number of Greeks lived with the admission of the state of Skopje itself.
The Greeks inhabit the area known historically as Pelagonia and Upper Macedonia since ancient times [1]. Historian Nicholas Hammond writes: «Pelagones in the region of Prilep, the Lyncestae in the region of Florina, the Orestae in the region of Kastoria, and the Elimeotae in the region of Kozani. These tribes were all Epirotic tribes and they spoke the Greek language but with a different dialect, the Northwest Greek dialect, as we know now from the local questions which were put to the god of Dodona» [2]. 
Despite the raids and settlements of foreign tribes and races in the Middle Ages (mainly Slavs), the presence of Greeks in the Northern Macedonian region was more than significant during the Ottoman Period. The most important and famous center of Hellenism was Monastiri, also known as Bitola, which was inhabited by Greek-speaking Greeks and Greek Vlachs. This is what the French traveller Michel Pallaires observes in 1905: «Undoubtedly, the Greeks hold the scepter of Monastir [...] Of the 23 doctors in the city, 20 are Greek. All European consulates recognize that the Greek community... is the strongest and most prosperous» [3]. Pallaires also notes: «In Monastiri, the Romanian center of action, all Koutsovlachs are Greeks to the core, with Greek traditions and ideals. They send more than two thousand children to Hellenic schools, enriching them with their contributions. They are at the head of the hardest and most relentless fight against Bulgaria and Romania. They set up a secret committee that is the terror of committee-men. Neither the metropolitan nor the Greek consul can moderate their raging patriotism» [3]. After Greeks, Slavs were the second largest ethnic group [4]. The situation was the same in the wider homonymous administrative district or Vilayet of Monastir. Christian Greeks formed the majority, numbering about 286.001 in 1906 [5] and 350.000 in 1911 [6]. 

The Greek influence in the region was preserved and promoted mainly by Aromanian Greeks who according to Krste Bitoski "they were fanatical Grecophiles, gradually came to constitute the Bishopric of Pelagonia's principal allies in its struggle for the advancement of Greece's Great Idea. By the middle of the 19th century the churches and the schools in the city of Monastir were all in Greek hands" [7]. Greeks were also found around Lake Ohrid, where already in 1670, Evliya Çelebi recorded that all the inhabitants of the city of Ohrid spoke Slavic and Greek, while Struga's populace was "mainly Bulgarian and Greek infidels" [8]. Constantin Jirecek, Czech professor of History and Minister of Education of the Bulgarian state during the second half of the 19th century, confesses that "Ohrid was from the 12th century a bastion of Hellenism in Macedonia" [9], while the German Hermann Wendel calls it "the citadel of Hellenism" [10]. Another important Greek city was Strumica (Stromnitsa in Greek), inhabited by 13.726 Christian Greeks and 2.965 Slavs in the 19th century [11]. Except for the urban centers, the Greeks also formed the majority in some villages of North Macedonia. The village of Meleniko (today's Melnik) primarily consisted of Greeks, but also of Bulgarians, Turks and Romani [12]. We also find interesting information in the folklore of Skopje, specifically in the book "ILINDEN 1903", published in Skopje in 1970, by the Institute of National History of Skopje that includes a Slavic Macedonian folk song about the Aromanian village Kruševo in Pelagonia which is characterised as "small Greece" ("Крушово - грчка мала") [13]. Aromanian Greeks also inhabited Gevgelija, a town now situated in the Greek-Skopjan border. According to the statistics of the French geographer Alexandre Synvet, the town had a total Christian population of 290 families (1.740 people) in 1878, consisting of 35 Bulgarian Christian ones and 255 Greek Christian families, while it had 4 Greek schools [14].

Unfortunately, the Greeks of North Macedonia will not be lucky enough to be freed during the Balkan wars, since Pelagonia will fall into the hands of the Serbs in 1912 and this region along with Vardar "Macedonia" will be named South Serbia (Južna Srbija) or "Old Serbia" (Stara Srbija). We do not have much information about the Greeks of what had become "Southern Serbia". The only detailed information is given by the Serbian historian Jovan Hadži-Vasiljević in his book "prosvetne i političke prilike u Južnim Srpskim oblastima u XIX v." (="Educational and political conditions in the South Serbian regions in the 19th century") published in 1928. Hadži-Vasiljević mentions various regions in South Serbia that had Greek influence, but he highlights Bitola and Ohrid, describing them as centers of Hellenism and Greek education [15]. Georgios Modis, a Greek Vlach from Bitola, having read Hadži-Vasiljević's book writes his memoirs in 1947: «Ohrid! Štip! Pristina! Veles! Niš! In these areas it is confessed by Serbs themselves that an exceptional Hellenism flourished» [16].

Until 1993 it was known that the Greeks of Pelagonia form a significant number, according to Skopjans themselves. The president of the newly created republic of "Macedonia" Kiro Gligorov had admitted the existence of 100,000 Greeks in his state, during an interview published by "Český Deník". K. Gligorov stated: «The Greeks say that there are 250,000 Greeks here, while according to the statistics, there are only 100,000» [17]. Really, the State of Skopje that accuses Greece of oppressing a "Macedonian" minority, why don't they first explain to us what happened to these hundreds of thousands of Greeks in their state?

____________________
Sources/References:
[1] John Boardman and N. G. L.
Hammond, The Cambridge Ancient
History Volume 3, Part 3: The Expansion
of the Greek World, Eighth to Sixth
Centuries BC, p. 284
[2] N. G. L. Hammond, Collected Studies:
Further Studies on Various Topics, p. 158
[3] Michel Paillares, L' imbroglio
Macedonien, p. 493
[4] Population de la Macédoine -
Encyclopædia Britannica, 1911, p. 217
[5] Kemal Karpat (1985), Ottoman
Population, 1830-1914, Demographic and
Social Characteristics, The University of
Wisconsin Press, p. 168-169
[6] Ottoman Census of 1911, link:
https://web.archive.org/web
/20060527053759/http://www.univ
.trieste.it/~storia/corsi/Dogo/tabelle
/popolaz-ottomana1911.jpg
[7] Dejnosta na Pelagoniskata Mitropolija
1878-1912, Skopje 1968, pp. 35-43
[8] Evliya Çelebi, Seyahatname - A
Journey around Lake Ohrid, 1670
[9] C. Jirecek: Geschichte der Bulgaren, p.
211
[10] H. Wendel: Der Kampf der Sudslaven
um Freiheit und Einheit, Frankfurt 1825, p.
35
[11] Kemal Karpat, Ottoman Population,
1830-1914, Demographic and Social
Characteristics, p. 134-135
[12] Maria Couroucli, Tchavdar Marinov,
Balkan Heritages: Negotiating History
and Culture, Volume 1 of British School at
Athens - Modern Greek and Byzantine
Studies, p. 83
[13] Mihailo Apostolski, Ilinden 1903,
Skopje: Institut za nacionalna istorija,
1970, p.599
[14] Synvet, A., Les Grecs de l'Empire
ottoman: Etude statistique et
ethnographique, Constantinople ("L
Orient illustre") 1878, p. 50
[15] Jovan Hadži-Vasiljević, Prosvetne i
političke prilike u Južnim Srpskim
oblastima u XIX v., 1928, p. 124,127
[16] George Modis, On Macedonia, p.51
[17] Kiro Gligorov, "Ethnically pure states
is an anachronism" Český Deník, June 10,
1993, Prague, interview with Teodor
Marjanović and Stanislav Drahný


PHILIP'S PLAN TO EXTERMINATE THE DARDANIANS

Philip V of Macedon (238 BC – 179 BC) had devised an elaborate scheme, which aimed at the extermination of Macedonia's enemy...